Nepali Times
Publisher\'s Note
Working on Plan B


With 12 weeks to go for the constitution deadline, even the diehard optimists have given up on it being written in time. There is still too much to do and too little time to do it.

Every Nepali knows why, and they squarely blame the political parties for having forgotten why they were elected. A porter in a remote district in Nepal, a sidewalk vendor or a college student would, if asked, be unanimous in agreeing that it is the leadership of the political parties and their greed for power that has delayed constitution-writing and obstructed the peace process.

In any other democracy, this would be cause for serious concern. But not here, it seems. The lack of accountability of a loser-takes-all government, the reckless adventurism of a mauled Maoist opposition and the politicised lobbyists of civil society have all ensured that no one is really worried about public opinion. They have all bypassed the assembly elected to formulate the constitution and have held the country and the peace process hostage with their bickering.

So, if it is certain that the new constitution is not going to be ready by May 28, the question is: what is Plan B? There are wild predictions of political chaos, fears of a street uprising by the Maoists to capture power, presidential rule and martial law so the army can take over. None of this need happen. As Chairman Dahal himself has said often, not writing the constitution by the deadline is not going to mean the sky will fall.

Saner voices will prevail because none of the three political parties want things to spin out of control, their control. The real worry is that the three parties decide to extend the deadline and then go back to sleep again. The real hurdle has always been the inability of the UML, NC and the Maoists to forge a political consensus, and the reason they haven't been able to do that is because they can't agree on the conditions under which the Maoists will be brought back into government.

Hardly anyone disputes that the new constitution can be written with the Maoists out of government. But the triangular distrust among the Brahmin men in the three parties (and with others within their own parties) is so great that no one seems to be able to untie the knot. There are other areas of disagreement: repeated Maoist threats of capturing power by force, their deliberate use of violence to terrorise others, for instance. The Maoists probably feel that these are pressure tactics to force the other two parties to take them into government, but it is having the opposite effect.

There is also a big gap in the drafts submitted by the 11 committees to the plenary. The Maoists want a presidential system, while the NC is rooting for a parliamentary democracy. That could be debated, but the Maoist attempt to write a totalitarian constitution with the judiciary subservient to government, a compulsory draft, and its opening of a Pandora's Box with ethnic-based federalism are dangerous portents.

If we are indeed going to buy six months, we have to make sure we write a constitution that guarantees democracy, pluralism and social justice. We have waited four years, we can wait six more months after May. But we have to do it right.



1. Budabaaje
"The lack of accountability of a loser-takes-all government, the reckless adventurism of a mauled Maoist opposition and the politicised lobbyists of civil society have all ensured that no one is really worried about public opinion...etc.etc." It all goes to show that King Gyanendra was right about all these "fake democrats" after all. Nepali people were fools to run after these cheats, who are adept at deceiving the people in the name of "democracy"! We don't have "democracy" in New Nepal, what we have is "demo(n)-CRAZY". All these little demons i.e. politicians, criminals, youth groups, civil society etc. have license to go crazy and wreak havoc in our lives. The king's strategy of dealing with the Maoist problem would surely have delivered better results than what this flawed "peace-process" has brought us! 

2. jange
Remind me again. Just what was it about the previous constitution that it couldn't be amended to whatever was required?


3. NepalWatcher
Did the media not play any role in creating this situation when they all banded together to cry foul when King Gyanendra wanted to put things straight?

4. Baneshwor
Mind you, there is a big silent majority that was uninvolved with the maoist manned 2006 Jana-Andolan, who stood by silently during the declaration of the secular republic and during the announcement of the tentative ethnic based federal structure. This majority has been left out of the national discourse by a few self proclaimed political know alls. These people are too engrossed with earning a livelihood to have the spare time to dabble in politics. This majority goes out to their fields, offices, shops, schools in the morning and comes back after 5-8 in the evening. As long as the "Netas" and their "Karyakartas" don't hinder the livelihood of this majority, they wouldn't care too much about the incompetence and utter corruption of our Netas and Karyakartas. But when this silent tide rises.....

5. Chamarey
I feel like scratching my face with a fork everytime I have to hear these politicians. But nevertheless, this is what we all Nepalis deserve too for believing these intellectually challenged, uneducated, worthless bunch of losers will deliver.
How the hell do they sleep at night? Do they know how pathologically we hate these politicians? Oh man, I so wish I could just spit on them once.


6. Nepali
It's clear what should happen if constitution is not ready by May 28. The so-called "peace process" will have failed. Everything that these parties-Maoists combine have done since April 2006 should be scrapped. King should come back. The 1990 constitution should be revived.

7. SN

What will happen if our constitution is not ready by May 28? It'll simply mean that India will become even more powerful in Nepal's affairs. By now even the dumbest of dunces should be able to see that the parties have neither the vision nor the capability to give any direction to the country. Without the king, the Army is like a headless body. The Maoists try to forge their own path, no matter how debunk it may be, but there are too many forces that will never let them obtain what they want. What this means is that both parties and Army can't do crap without the backing of India, and the Maoists don't have the capacity or the mass-support to do so. Every Nepali political player is weak. The only one who's strong is the external player, India. The vacuum and confusion created by the lack of formulation of a timely constitution will be filled up and utilized by India to gain even more power and influence over our country. Simple as that.  



8. Arthur
This time the publisher does not use the word "inexplicable" but essentially it is the same empty talk as last week. Simply ignore the fact that Prachanda resigned rather than pretending to be governing and drafting a Constitution while the COAS and Indian Ambassador refused to carry out the peace agreement.

By not mentioning the central issue concerning democratization of the Nepal Army and integration of the PLA you can present the problem as merely "bickering" and "greed for power".

Does this pretense make the problem disappear? Why not write a note about what should or should not be done concerning democratization of the Nepal Army and integration of the PLA?

The article ends with a few hints about where the publisher stands on other issues:

Federalism is a "pandora's box".  The box is open. Will repeating that people like the publisher wish it wasn't change anything about what needs to be done?

Military training for all Nepalese instead of a large standing army that has been and could again be used against the people is "totalitarian". That fits with the Royal Army being already "democratic".

Legislative authority over the judiciary is "totalitarian". The present corrupt judiciary must be preserved to preserve the rest of the corruption.

If only the Maoists could agree to "share power" with people who insist on preserving corruption there would be no "bickering" and the publisher would be happy!




9. Budabaaje

Those who talk of "democratizing" the Army should "democratize" themselves first.

People can see through the Maoist trick now. In the name of "democratization" they're aiming for "politicization" of the Army to bring it under their party control. This is totally unacceptable. (Even the parties and media, who were duped by the Maoists in the past, have wisened up now that their own a$$es are on the line!)

Maoists calling other parties corrupt is like a robber accusing a thief. Extortion is an even worse form of corruption!

 



LATEST ISSUE
638
(11 JAN 2013 - 17 JAN 2013)


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